Product Description
This digital document is an article from Iraq Telecom, published by Information Gatekeepers, Inc. on January 1, 2010. The length of the article is 375 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: Bahrain first leads region in e-government survey.
Author: Unavailable
Publication: Iraq Telecom (Magazine/Journal)
Date: January 1, 2010
Publisher: Information Gatekeepers, Inc.
Volume: 8Issue: 1Page: 2(1)

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This digital document is an article from International Law Update, published by Transnational Law Associates on April 1, 2008. The length of the article is 2057 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

Citation Details
Title: In action against U.K. government officials by mothers of two sons killed in Iraq conflict, House of Lords rules that Article 2 of European Human Rights Convention on right to life does not apply governmental decisions to go to war nor does implied corollary of Convention requiring full investigation of reasons for doing so demand new public inquiry into said reasons.(Unite Kingdom)(Rose Gentle, Beverley Clarke)
Author: Gale Reference Team
Publication: International Law Update (Newsletter)
Date: April 1, 2008
Publisher: Transnational Law Associates
Volume: 14Issue: 4Page: ITEM08277005

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Provides an in-depth look at Saddam's Iraq and illuminates the crisis over disarmament change using observations and insights from seasoned Reuters correspondents who have witnessed events in the region and who are specialists on Iraq, Middle East politics and U.S. and U.N. policy. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (4)

You'd have to be very right-wing to think this is liberal
The topic of Iraq is very touchy these days.It has caused a lot of debate in this country, most of which is highly uninformed.The reviews written about this book so far are a good example of this.First of all, the book doesn't speak negatively about Reagan, it speaks accurately about him...and doesn't "slam" Bush or his father.The authors point out some of the world's concerns about a war with Iraq, but that can hardly be twisted into attacks on Bush.

As time has progressed, Iraq has become an increasingly embarassing subject for those who advocated war.No Al-Qaeda link and no WMD's pretty much destroy Bush's reasons for going to war.When talking about America's role in Iraq, this book goes easy on the U.S.This country's policy towards Iraq was directly linked to the deaths of millions inside the country, all for the sake of stability and achieving short term goals.I don't care how self-righteous some conservatives think they are, nothing can change the fact that we armed Saddam in the 80's then stood by and watched while he gassed his own people.The Reuters reporters provide a brief look at some of the main features of Iraq in a way that acknowledges America's shady role inside Iraq, but doesn't criticize it the way that it deserves.

Misleading title
This book starts off by slamming G.W. Bush, his father and even negatively mentions Ronald Reagan.I expected an objective view and facts but instead read stretched accusations and political conspiracy theories.This book should instead be titled "Bush vs. Saddam, A biased view from the liberal media".If you want a laugh then this book is for you.If you want the real truth about Iraq then look somewhere else.

A Liberal View
I am a political science student writing a paper on the current situation in Iraq. I purchased this book thinking that it would be a fair and balanced read on Saddam Hussein and Iraq. It was not.The book took a liberal view on everything it said. Of course, on the back of the book it says it is an in-depth, unbiased book. In-depth, yes. This book is full of useful resources that can help anyone understand Iraq and the US war on Iraq. But, although the book gives both sides of the story, it pays more attention to the left-wing views. When the book does talk about conservative views, it does it very biasly. It is very condescending. One can easily tell that the Reuters authors are all left-wing.

Overall, the book is very informative, but if you are looking for an unbiased book on Iraq, look elsewhere.

Poor choice if you want the facts on Iraq under Saddam
Unfortunately, I must respectfully agree with Mr. Hale's review of this book.As a former Iraqi citizen, I see the atrocities committed in my country.I have no American political party or affiliation.I just know what I saw and lived in Iraq. ... Read more

Product Description
What After Iraq? is a timely and hardnosed appraisal of what happens when America’s adventure in Iraq ends. Starting with the war’s origins and its remarkable parallels with Vietnam, national security expert Donald M. Snow then turns to offering a fresh and original breakdown of the domestic and international consequences, ranging from the effect on future military missions to the 2008 presidential election. For readers who want a pause from the punditry and a more thoughtful consideration of Iraq and America’s future, What After Iraq? collects all of the key facts and figures in one place and briskly sets forth the lessons to be learned from our latest involvement in the Middle East.

"This book fills a real void in the debate on the Iraq War. Written in veteran security analyst Don Snow's always lively and thought-provoking style, What After Iraq? offers a unique and indispensable perspective."-Lawrence J. Korb, Center for American Progress

Read the author's blog at www.whatafteriraq.com.

Product Description

This book published in 1937 is being reissued now because of its obvious contemporary parallels.

How was Iraq to be taken from being a "remote" and neglected portion of the Ottoman Empire in 1941 to her then-position of a political unit possessing supposedly all the machinery of a modern state? The growth of Arab nationalism in the region, the establishment of a provisional government, and the search for a ruler all had to be dealt with by the skillful British in the mandated territory.

Product Description
This is a penetrating account of Anglo-Iraqi relations from 1929, when Britain decided to grant independence to Iraq, to 1941, when hostilities between the two nations came to an end.Showing how Britain tried--and failed--to maintain its political influence, economic ascendancy, and strategic position in Iraq after independence, Silverfarb presents a suggestive analysis of the possibilities and limitations of indirect rule by imperial powers in the Third World.The book also tells of the rapid disintegration of Britain's dominance in the Middle East after World War I and portrays the struggle of a recently independent Arab nation to free itself from the lingering grip of a major European power. ... Read more

Product Description

First published in 1935 and reprinted now because of its relevance to the current situation in the Middle East, this work concentrates particularly to the run-up to the installation of Faisal as King of Iraq in 1932 when the British Mandate was terminated. Although largely about politics at the time, it shows the state of Iraqi politics and its historical roles or well as a useful picture of life at the time and Iraq's people.

Product Description
This book provides a clear but comprehensive analysis of the economic and political developments in contemporary Iraq. Toby Dodge discusses the state's formation and political structures, the Ba'thist regime, economics, international relations and concludes with a discussion of Iraq's future prospects. ... Read more

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A timely book that analyzes the formation of Kurdish national identity from the late Imperial period to the present.

In tracing the evolution of Kurdish nationalism, Denise Natali shows that, contrary to popular theories, there is nothing natural or fixed about Kurdish identity or the configuration that Kurdish nationalism assumes. Rather, Kurdish nationalism has been shaped by the development of nation-states in the region. Although Kurdish communities have maintained some shared sense of Kurdishness, Kurdayeti (the mobilization of Kurdish identity) is interwoven with a much larger series of identities within the "political space" of each Kurdish group. Different notions of inclusion and exclusion have modified the political and cultural opportunities of Kurds to express their ethnic identities, and opening the possibility of assuming alternative identities over time.

With this book Natali makes a significant contribution to theoretical, empirical, and policy-based scholarship on the Middle East, the plight of the Kurds, ethnonationalism, and ethnopolitical conflict. Hers is the first comparative work to examine Kurdish nationalism as a function of diverse political spaces. As a vital addition to the literature in the field, this book will supplant a number of standard texts on the Kurds. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

A People without a State inspire an Author with Scholarly Insight


The Kurds and the State is a scholarly book about the development of Kurdish national identity in three states in which the majority of the Kurdish population is located; Iraq, Turkey, and Iran.Its main contribution is to the theory of ethnonationalism, taking a middle ground between primordialist and constructive approaches and showing that ethnonational identity is shaped and reshaped by political processes in different contexts over time.It is a major contribution to the literature on Kurdish politics and society, and the bibliography reveals the author's mastery of the subject matter. It is no surprise therefore, that the Kurds and the State has been recently awarded the 2007 Choice Magazine Award for Outstanding Academic Titles.

It is also not surprising that this book would antagonize. While Natali refuses the typical victimization of the Kurds argument, she argues through comparative histories that policies, particularly the radical and violent ones by the Turkish state, have created violent and reactionary Kurdish nationalism in Turkey.

It is necessary in this context to consider Michael Rubin's critique of Natali's book. Rubin claims that The Kurds and the State ignores the fact many Kurds attained high level posts in the Turkish government and throws in Turkey's second president Ismet Inönü as an example. There are two problems with this issue. First, the claim that Inönü was an ethnic Kurd is a highly controversial one. There are many claims pointing to the opposite direction - that he came from a Balkan family who had been converted to Islam to serve the Ottoman State. Rubin needs to be more careful in consulting his undisclosed sources, which probably are unaware that not everyone born in Malatya (Inönü's hometown) or Bitlis (Inönü's genealogical hometown according to some controversial sources) is a Kurd. Secondly, if it were true that Inönü was an ethnic Kurd, this would not weaken but on the contrary fortify Natali's argument. It has been a systematic policy of the Turkish State to force the Kurds to deny their ethnic identity, not only in attaining high-level posts but even for their survival during most of modern history. If he was an ethnic Kurd, Inönü is a good example of how a Kurd overacts his compulsory role of denial. There is not sufficient space to quote Inönü's rich repertoire of insults with violent implications against the Kurds; however, I have chosen a few among them to give an idea about the man we are talking about here.

Inönü was a passionate advocate of inappropriate violence during the quelling of the Sheikh Said rebellion of 1925. In the aftermath of the rebellion he had following to say: "We must Turkify the inhabitants of our country at any price and we will annihilate those who oppose the Turks or le turquisme". The implication of this statement was not only an immense bloodbath in Kurdistan but it also marked the beginning of the Turkish State's policy of systematic denial and assimilation. Inönü was also the architect of the 1938 Dersim operation. His 1935 `East' report analyses the ethnic composition of each Kurdish province in detail and proposes plans for Turkification, which involve forcible population resettlements. His report argues that these measures were necessary to prevent the formation of `the real, horrific Kurdistan'. The major implication of this report was Turkish Army's 1938 Dersim operation, which resulted in the indiscriminate annihilation of at least 10 per cent of the regional population, sufficient to be called an ethnocide.

It is true, therefore, as Rubin argues, that many Kurds attained high-level posts, but he fails to mention the price they had to pay for this: the denial of their identity and in many cases (like Inönü's if we are to rely on Rubin's sources) to turn violently against their own people. Consequently, Natali's argument remains a sound one: Kurds could not attain high-level posts by revealing their Kurdish ethnic identity.Only by becoming Turkish, or claiming they were Turkish, could a Kurd attain professional success.

Rubin's verdict on Natali's bibliography is simply unfair, since her work is sourced in primary resources from Kurdistan and in five languages. Rubin's objection to Natali's references on the Armenian (Dadrian) and Iranian (Najmabadi) scholars is also rather curious, since firstly, the Kurds and the State's argument does not rely uncritically on these sources and secondly, an Armenian or Farsi scholar never deserves to be discriminated against a Turkish, French, British or American scholar on the basis of her/his ethnic identity (Every scholar is to a certain degree a `polemicist' and certainly has a `political prism').


Contrary to Rubin's claims, Natali specifically addresses the effects of Kemalist secularizing reforms on Kurdish tribes (pp. 79-84), revealing how the trajectory of Kurdish nationalism in Turkey became Islamized. For example, she maintains that the leader of the most important Kurdish uprising, Shaikh Said, did not call just for Kurdish nationalism (Kurdayeti, which Rubin misspells), but an Islamic state of which Kurdish nationalism is a part.

Natali's grasp of history is also accurate, which is the source of another baseless criticism that Rubin challenges her with: Kurdish borders were not determined, as he proclaims, in the sixteenth century but by the 1639 Kasr-i Sirin Treaty. In fact, even this statement can be disputed, knowing that the Turkish-Iranian border has changed several times since that date, the latest amendment being as recent as 1931.

In sum, The Kurds and the State, through its analytic and informative richness, refreshes and improves our knowledge and understanding of the Kurdish question, a major Middle Eastern and global concern of our time.

The Kurds and the State
In The Kurds and the State, derived from her University of Pennsylvania doctoral dissertation, political scientist Natali explores how Kurdish nationalism developed in Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. She does this with the opacity and jargon of an academic: "This book explains why Kudayetî, or Kurdish national identity, becomes ethnicized and the similarities and variations in its manifestation across space and time."

Beyond style, her comparative approach has value. The Kurds are not monolithic, linguistically or politically, though too many works treat them as such; to this, The Kurds and the State is an important exception. Natali avoids contemporary Kurdish narratives of victimization. Kurdish complaints that European powers divided Kurdistan do not hold up to historical fact: the border between what is now Turkey and Iran, for example, dates from the sixteenth century. Nor does she make the mistake of many contemporary authors and instant experts, retroactively extending Kurdish nationalism. She explains how Kurdish nationalism grew in early twentieth century Anatolia with the coming of European consuls and intra-communal tensions. In contrast, Kurdish nationalism took longer to develop in polyglot Iran, perhaps because there Sunni versus Shi`ite sectarian practice rather than ethnicity determined the degree to which Kurds could integrate.

Natali's overviews and comparisons are thought-provoking. She juxtaposes the growth of Kurdish participation in the political process in Turkey with an increasingly stilted process in Iraq and notes how Ankara's embrace of the Kurds and their socioeconomic and political diversification undermined any unitary sense of Kurdish identity in Turkey. Her examination of Turkish strategies to undercut Kurdistan Workers Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) terrorism in the 1980s is also useful even if she remains critical of Ankara's refusal to "de-ethnicize the notion of Turkish citizenship." In these ways, The Kurds and the State advances the staid and often simplified historiography that marks Kurdish studies.

But Natali's work is weakened by several problems, starting with her unsure grasp of history. She amplifies, for example, the efficiency of Ottoman state control and discounts the efficiency of Iranian bureaucracy. While inefficient and weak by Western standards, nineteenth century Iran was organized enough to defeat incursions by Ottoman Kurdish tribal chiefs along its periphery. Natali appears unaware that published collections of Iranian diplomatic correspondence are replete with reports and discussions telegraphed from the front. She is also prone to exaggeration. If "early republican Turkey removed all opportunities for the Kurds," how did İsmet İnönü, an ethnic Kurd, succeed Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Turkey's founding father?

More serious is the incompleteness of Natali's discussion of the Atatürk religious reforms. She fails to address head-on the impact of his abolishment of the caliphate, the source of a great deal of tension among Turkey's Kurdish tribes for whom religious traditionalism trumped nationalism as the impetus for struggle with the nascent Turkish republic. Her bibliographical judgment is questionable, citing, for example, Armenian polemicist Vahakn Dadrian (whose name she misspells).

Discussion of the Kurds of modern Iran falls short and that of Syria is nonexistent. Natali parses secondary sources, many out-of-date, for mention of Kurds and appears unaware that some authors upon whose work she relies, including Afsaneh Najmabadi (whose name she also misspells), approach Iranian historiography through a political prism that ends up skewing her narrative. It is unfortunate that The Kurds and the State falls short, for a more careful and complete comparative examination of Kurdish society would contribute much.

Michael Rubin
Middle East Quarterly
Winter 2007

A close scrutiny of the evolution of Kurdish nationalism
The Kurds And The State: Evolving National Identity In Iraq, Turkey And Iran is a close scrutiny of the evolution of Kurdish nationalism, particularly with regard to how the development of nation-states has affected it. Written by a professor and research team member with thirteen years of experience studying Kurdish politics and identity inside and beyond Iraq, The Kurds And The State examines Iraq's transitions first to a colonial state, then to an independent republican state; Turkey's transitions first to an independent republican state then to a quasi-democracy; and Iran's transition first to a constitutional monarchy then to an Islamic republic. The Kurds And The State approach modern history not only in scholarly and philosophical terms, but also hard and fast practical terms, drawing upon both case histories and political science principles to reveal what is required for successful conflict-resolution strategies, particularly in volatile circumstances. A balanced, serious-minded, realistically grounded study and an absolute must-read for anyone seeking to understand Kurdish community, national identity, and possible nonviolent pathways to future conflict resolution.
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Customer Reviews (2)

About This Book...
Hardcover with dustjacket, cloth over boards with a sewn binding. 263 pp.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
The Arab Socialist Movement
The Arab Socialist Revolution
Arab Socialists in Power

Struggle for Power Among Socialist Leaders
Struggle Among Ideological Groups

Social and Economic Development
Foreign Policy
Conclusion

Appendices:
The Interim Constitution
The National Action Charter
March 11 Manifesto on the Peaceful Settlement of the Kurdish Issue in Iraq
The Iraqi-Soviet Treay of Friendship and Cooperation
Iran-Iraq Treaty on International Borders and Good Neighbourly Relations

Index

"...deals with Iraq since the Revolution of 1968 and examines its political and economic development under Arab socialist rule."

"Through personal interviews with many of the key figures involved in the Revolution, Professor Khadduri is able to substantiate published information concerning these events and to discuss with them matters of policy and development in Iraq today. Many of those interviewed are prominent government officials and include leaders such as Field Marshall Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr, President of the Republic, and Saddam Husayn, Vice-President of the Revolutionary Command Council."

Revolutionary Politics in Iraq
This is an excellent source for information on the July 1958 and July 1968 Revolutions in Iraq. Aside from Phebe Marr's work, Khadduri's books are the best texts available on Iraq from 1958-1979. This is a must read for anyone truly interested in the Ba'ath Party as it was intended to be, and not as it developed under Saddam Husayn al-Majid al-Tikriti. As an unintended consequence of telling the Ba'ath Party story, Khadduri does a nice job of detailing the political interaction between it and the Kurds that one must understand, if one is to understand the current situation in Iraq. It is one of the few books that provides the complete March Manifesto (1970) with the Kurds. This is a very easy read that can be completed in a weekend. ... Read more

Product Description

Scholarship on Iraq under the Ba’th regime has traditionally focused on the rule of Saddam Hussein and his narrow inner circle. The centrality of the former president in Iraqi politics until spring 2003 and the tyranny of his regime were evident, and available sources concerning developments inside Iraqi society during that period were scarce.

This book explores whether traditional paradigms of totalitarian rule can be applied to Ba’thist Iraq, closely examining state-society relations and uncovering the nature of the regime and how Iraqis lived with it. The study creates a conceptual framework for understanding the inner dynamics of a dictatorship that encompasses a variety of disciplines - comparative historiography, political science, literary and art criticism, and gender studies. Drawing on a comparative reading of the historiography of other regimes commonly perceived as totalitarian dictatorships, particularly Nazi Germany, the author looks beyond the spheres of state politics, economy and jurisdiction to also include the so called ‘soft issues’ of social norms, cultural and ideological production. By interpreting recent Iraqi history along such lines, the author demonstrates how cross-regional comparative perspectives and an interdisciplinary approach can contribute to the study of Iraq.

Product Description
Whether changing the regime in Iraq is a worthwhile U.S. policy objective depends in no small part on what occurs in the aftermath of Saddam Hussein's departure. This timely volume explores the most urgent challenges for policymakers in a near-term scenario. In addressing the problem of how to overcome the twenty-year legacy of brutality under Saddam's rule, the authors present ideas for limiting the chaos and revenge-taking that are likely to follow Saddam's overthrow, while examining the challenges that will arise for a new leadership attempting to ensure Iraqi social stability. This unique collection of analyses will be an important resource for anyone interested in building a more hopeful future for the people of Iraq.

Contributors include Ellen Laipson (president and CEO, Henry L. Stimson Center), Rend Rahim Francke (executive director, Iraq Foundation), Kamran Karadaghi (deputy director and chief editor, Radio Free Iraq), Michael Rubin (visiting scholar, American Enterprise Institute), Safwat Rashid Sidqi (cofounding member, Kurdistan Human Rights Organization), and Amatzia Baram (director, Jewish Arab Center and Gustav Heinemann Institute for Middle East Studies, University of Haifa). ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

How to build a new Iraq...in only 93 pages!!
To start, the organization that put this book out is the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.Some of the more well-known members of this group include Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, both of whom serve(d) on the Board of Advisors.Think about the logic that people like these two put out there before the war and you'll have a pretty good idea about this book.

This book was written before the invasion happened and looking back, I imagine it would be somewhat embarrassing to have written some of these pieces.

Some key exerpts:

"The country's ethnic groups are not necessarily the key social actors to watch." page 5

"Owing to the regime's propaganda and to the material conditions of their lives, many Iraqis do not appreciate the nuances of Western sanctions policies, and they may have formed political views that are based on supposed Western ill will toward their country." page 12

"...the physical repair of Iraq will be relatively easy.Iraq is a country of engineers and builders, people who quickly restored bridges and roads after the Iran-Iraq and Gulf Wars." page 12

The problem I have with this book is not that they argued for the war.I do on many different levels.I'm upset about the blind optimism and complete disregard for what should be very obvious for anyone that has read much about Iraq.Also troubling is the underlying theme that Iraq is a problem solely because of Saddam.To be sure, he is partly to blame, but these authors do nothing to acknowledge the fact that the U.S. has done more than its fair share to make Iraq into the mess it was when the U.S. invaded it.My conclusion is that the material presented in this book is done so with the spirit of ideology rather than the desire to contribute to a realistic, educational discussion about Iraq. ... Read more

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Product Description
'This book is typically Cooley: much needed and brilliant.' John Pilger / 'The Iraq war is unintelligible without the history John Cooley's brave new book provides.' Brady Kiesling, former US Diplomat / John Cooley, a former correspondent for ABC News and the Christian Science Monitor, argues that America's new invasion and occupation of Iraq marks a turning point in the West's relationship with the Arab world, and alters the balance of power within the Middle East. He argues that the crucial factor in this new development is the relationship between Israel and the United States. Examining today's problems from this unique perspective, Cooley covers a broad sweep of history, from biblical Babylonian times until now. He shows how US and Israeli interests in the Middle East were contradictory at first. He explains how and why the US-Israel alliance gradually evolved. Drawing from unpublished sources, as well as from John Cooley's personal encounters with principal! players such as David ben-Gurion, the Shah of Iran, Anwar al-Sadat, King Hussein of Jordan and Saddam Hussein himself, this book gives a uniquely valuable perspective on the complex history of Iraq and why it continues to be at the heart of world affairs. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Excellent reading
Cooley was a staff correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor and ABC News and has written widely on the issues (including six other books on the Middle East).Drawing on published and much unpublished works (including his own personal interaction with people like Ben Gurion), he focuses on Iraq as how it was/is impacted by Israel and the US.It is a concise description of the tragic history of ancient Babylon and modern Iraq in the context of meddling and/or occupation by outside powers (from the Ottomans to Britain to Israel and the US).It describes for example, the Zionist manipulation of Iraqi Jews to force them to flee their country. It describes how the CIA "gave Saddam a leg up" (Chapter 6).The detailed discussion of the history goes through the periods of the Iran-Iraq war when the US continued to back Saddam but also made dealings with Iran to keep them killing each other), o the period of the Kuwait episode (some call it gulf war I), Sanctions, and then the latest war on Ira that is still ongoing. The last chapter its titled "Endgame: Iraq democratized or dismembered?" and it deals with a range of issues from the neoconservative (Zionist) cabal in action to dismember Iraq with the help of Israeli intelligence and military support, the sharing of weapons and training, Abu Ghreib nightmare, Israel relationship with Turkey and Kurdish areas, and the alliances that are being built at the expense of native people in Iraq and Palestine. ... Read more

Product Description
Few countries in contemporary times have had more political intrigue, violence and terror than the Iraq of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath party. The atrocities of the Iraqi government, which were highlighted only after the Gulf War and are now receiving much attention, actually began in the 1970s.

There are few accounts of what individuals endured, what everyday life was like, and the impact that Saddam Hussein’s repressive regime has had on the lives of Iraqi citizens. The author of this remarkable memoir recounts growing up in Baghdad in the seventies during the early days of Saddam Hussein’s reign. She describes in detail her family’s fear and the cruel punishment they suffered when her father, a successful professional from a renowned, high-profile family, discovered the direct involvement of Iraqi authorities in the notorious Abu Tubar serial killings that rocked Baghdad. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

A memoir that remains vivid in mind & heart
Very interesting book, hard to put down before you reach the end. Although it started by describing the author's family docile life, and their standard of living asupper middle class, which made me think that I will read a book for a sophisticated and shallow writer, but it didn't take me more than a few pages to be completely absorbed by the shocking incidents that revealed the evil side of Sadam & Al Baath regime starting from 1970.

When she started talking about the serial Killer in Baghdad (Abu Tubar), I doubted her efficiency as a writer by inserting an unrelated incident. Again she proved me wrong, because this serial killer was only a fake mythology created by the government to hide its crimes and to create fear and panic among people to gain more control upon them.

Juman wrote her memoir with the view of an ordinary person, away from politics and Ideologies, which made it more effective not only in sympathizing withtragedies the Iraqi people faced, butin understanding the hard pressure they were under, along with the fear and humiliation that the author highlighted through unfolding surprises one after the other .

When the author's father, Engineer Makki, the deputy Prime Minister for The Ministry of Communication in Baghdad, discovered the secret of Abu Tubar, he was arrested by the secret police who already were angry with him because he refused to cooperate with them against the law or the benefit of the country.

Since the arrest, the family never had peace. During Lidya visit to her Husband Makki, the latter informed her that the secret government had implanted bugs all over their house, and advised her to be very careful and cautious. Later on they discovered that the full time Egyptian Housemaid was the government's secret agent.

The father remained in jail for three years and by the time he was released he became different person, his spirit was crushed and his health became weak.

Though they lived a very quite life keeping low profile, they couldn't achieve the luxury of peaceful life.

Soon their third son was arrested and the family went through another nightmare which did not vanishuntil all the family, the six children (three boys and three girls) were able to leave the country secretly one after the other and finally after a long time the parents.

But for the author Juman those nightmares are still vivid in her mind.

Reading this book which made my heart cry from pain and sadness, reminded me of the Chilean writer Isabel Allende `s believe, that writing about the daily life of women and children under the dictatorial regime, reveals a lot of facts that could not be found in historical or political or economical books, and the same with the famous and valuable book "I, Regoberta Menchu".
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Product Description
A new era began in Iraq in 2003, with an open market economy. A new Law of Investment was adopted in 2006, which aims at the promotion and encouragement of investment, by liberalising it and opening it to foreign investors. It offers generous incentives and guarantees to investors, and a very wide scope for investment in Iraq, where there are tremendous opportunities in many sectors of the economy. The book is intended to provide guidance and help to would-be investors, their legal advisers, lawyers and practitioners interested in the field of investment in Iraq. This work also provides useful guidance on the licensing system and the settlement of disputes. ... Read more